Tomás Ó Flatharta

Irish Police boss Drew Harris is in trouble – rank-and-file members of the Garda Representative Association (GRA) have voted no confidence in their chief – 10803 ballots issued, 9129 returned, 99 per cent of them (9113) against Harris, only 116 in favour. The GRA is on a collision course with Drew Harris and the Dublin Government over rosters introduced to deal with the Covid 19 emergency in 2020. Justice Minister Helen McEntee might be wishing she never heard of Drew Harris, but she has no excuses – plenty of warning lights were flashing.

Drew Harris was always a controversial choice. Appointed in September 2018, his preceding police career was spent in the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) of Northern Ireland from 1983 onwards. The RUC was renamed the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) in 2001 in order to overcome a well-earned bad reputation. Skeletons are in the cupboard, and they haunt the boss of An Garda Síochána. One significant reason for the RUC’s negative image is the 1975 Miami Showband Massacre.

Unclean Hands of Garda Boss Drew Harris

Miami Showband Massacre Survivor Stephen Travers on the Garda Commissioner Drew Harris :

When he was part of the PSNI, Mr Harris had blocked, delayed and frustrated every effort to “find out who shot our lads”, he told RTÉ’s Morning Ireland.

On July 31st, 1975, a bus carrying five members of the Miami Showband, one of Ireland’s most popular cabaret bands, was flagged down at what appeared to be a British military checkpoint as they were travelling south to Dublin.

The Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) had intended to plant a bomb on to the musicians’ bus and have it detonate later. Two UVF men were killed by their own bomb as it detonated before they could plant it in the vehicle.

Mr Travers said the appointment of Mr Harris is “a massive step back and will not help with reconciliation”.

https://tomasoflatharta.com/2021/09/01/irish-police-boss-drew-harris-and-two-unsolved-murder-cases-1975-miami-showband-massacre-2007-paul-quinn-murder/

Mr Travers said Mr Harris might swear allegiance when appointed Garda Commissioner, but Mr Travers would prefer “if he held up his hands and said here are the files, here are the people responsible.

Writing in the Sunday Independent (September 24 2023) Gene Kerrigan looks closely at police handling of a far-right mob which attacked Dáil Éireann, headquarters of the Dublin government.

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Policing of far-right headbangers is a complete cop-out -Writes Gene Kerrigan

Last week’s attack on parliament — with a mob of headbangers screaming threats at politicians and at guards — was facilitated by the policy adopted earlier this year by An Garda Síochána.

Garda Commissioner Drew Harris asserted that he understands the far right’s “playbook”. He knows how to handle them. He seemed to put a lot of trust in his own familiarity with this playbook.

Consequently, An Garda Síochána’s policy appears to be one of appeasing the far right, in the hope this will reduce their urge to intimidate migrants, and turn them into peaceful, reasonable citizens.

It was clearly a messy failure back in May. After last week’s fiasco, the policy is shown to be dangerous.

Let us spell out that policy.

Last May, a small number of people in Co Clare decided to police the migrants in their area. They assumed authority over the migrants, sought to question them and control them.

This was taken up by people in other areas, including Dublin.

Some people have no problem disregarding the history of this country. At times of hunger, at times of economic recession, we have assumed the right to go where we need to go — anywhere in the world — to see us through the difficulty.

And we are right. The push and pull of economic and other forces are inexorable. And we — and all the other national groups — constantly experience that push and that pull. We always have and we always will.

It’s not all take. There’s a time to take and a time when we must give.

Some don’t agree. They perpetually resent any presence in Ireland of people who need a hand in hard times — a hand that the Irish, quite rightly, have always been willing to accept.

​The aggression against migrants in Co Clare mirrored the bullying suffered by some emigrant Irish in past times. There are always people who hate the whole notion of migrants — just as there are those who understand and welcome them.

This local aggression clearly intimidated some of the migrants, who left Co Clare.

The far right jumped on the intimidation bandwagon.

The garda policy was announced by the commissioner. Drew Harris assured us he knows all about the far right’s “playbook”, and he wasn’t going to fall for their tricks.

What he said last May in explaining this policy is useful to read now, given what happened last week.

“The classic part of their playbook,” the commissioner said, “is an over-response by the authorities… we are not going to fall into that trap.”

And, yes, there are dangers in a garda over-response. There are also dangers in an under-response.

Knowing what to do — and when — is Mr Harris’s job.

Some noted the enthusiasm with which An Garda Síochána policed the Debenhams workers who were campaigning for proper redundancy terms, and contrasted this with the policy of “consensual policing”, which appears to mean standing back when the far right assume the authority to police the streets.

In Dublin, in Santry, the guards sat back while the far right blocked access to a migrant centre.

The guards conceded authority to the far right. For instance, the far right blocked a delivery. However, they allowed the driver to park some distance from the centre and to carry the goods in.

The issue for the far right was not to deprive the migrant centre of deliveries — that would lead to confrontation they would certainly lose. They wanted the right to say who goes where and under what conditions.

They wanted policing authority. An Garda Síochána gave it to them.

The essence of the garda strategy since the increased activity of an intimidatory wing of the far right has been to stand back and let them at it.

Incredibly, the garda strategy — as enunciated by Drew Harris — was to surprise the far right by not doing what they expected: which was that the garda would fulfil its responsibility to police the streets.

Deferring to them would undermine their “playbook”, he said. Now, it’s clear that no one is looking for an “over-response” by An Garda Síochána, but the policy meant that when the far right began throwing its weight around, the guards sat back and let them at it.

This is what the commissioner called “consensual policing”.

The policy is to avoid doing what the far right’s “playbook” predicts. That policy led to treating the far right as equals with An Garda Síochána and as legitimate actors on the public stage — even when their role is as intimidators.

That already concedes precisely what the far right want — to be legitimised as a policing force.

Last week, the far right pushed to see how far the garda appeasement would stretch: they brought a mock gallows to the Dáil.

They named and displayed photographs of the politicians they wished to hang.

They spotted Michael Healy-Rae and he came close to getting his trademark cap — among other things — knocked off.

The two guards with the TD — themselves in clear danger — did their job well.

TDs could easily have been badly hurt last week. Members of An Garda Síochána might also have been hurt, not to mention members of the public too.

When a force emerges that has the potential for causing blood on the streets, one of the basics of policing is to ensure police receive a flow of inside information.

Placing an informer inside that force takes time. Meanwhile, current supporters of that force can be bought or blackmailed into providing information.

Last week’s garda response to the assault on the Dáil suggests the police are operating in the dark. It suggests they haven’t yet got an effective informer on their books. Or perhaps they’re still negotiating a price.

And these folks have a price — personal enrichment is part of their game. The attack on politicians and guards last week was primarily a show of far-right strength. It was also an opportunity for personal gain.

Amid the chaos, one of the far-right headbangers took the opportunity to intimidate a young woman and steal her phone. Some people just can’t resist a little personal transaction on the side.

When they show you who — and what — they are, believe them.