Tomás Ó Flatharta

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Mapping the Conservative Left: Why Some Socialists Sound Like the Right – “Soul-Searching on the Left”

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Duncan Chapel, a revolutionary socialist based in Scotland, hosts a blog which explores big political and social changes in the world we live in.

The article below addresses many troubling developments on the left which have erupted in the 21st century. These trends exist everywhere – Duncan is very familiar with awful examples from the British state.

Readers on the left in in Ireland may be familiar with the example of “Counterfire” which is degenerating rapidly :

The red-brown disease can spread further without inoculation. Organizations at risk like Counterfire in Britain, while maintaining left-wing rhetoric, have consistently aligned with authoritarian positions internationally, acting as surrogates for Assad, Putin and Trump. Their opposition to supporting Ukrainian resistance and their hostility to transgender struggles reveals the logical endpoint of politics that prioritize “anti-Western” positioning over genuine solidarity with the oppressed.


Mapping the Conservative Left: Why Some Socialists Sound Like the RightFour conservative left tendencies: each represents a different form of capitulation

The rise of the far-right across Europe and North America has prompted urgent soul-searching on the left. From Trump’s return to power to the growth of Alternative for Germany (AfD), from Giorgia Meloni’s ascendancy in Italy to the surge of Reform UK, reactionary forces are capitalizing on widespread social discontent. Yet a troubling phenomenon has emerged alongside this rightward shift: sections of the left itself have begun adopting positions that sound suspiciously similar to those of their supposed political opponents.

Source :
Mapping the Conservative Left – Why Some Socialists Sound Like the Right

This “conservative left” represents a fundamental betrayal of socialist principles. Rather than offering a genuine alternative to capitalist crisis, these currents have absorbed key elements of right-wing discourse—from economic nationalism and anti-immigrant sentiment to cultural traditionalism and geopolitical authoritarianism. Understanding this phenomenon is crucial for any socialist strategy that seeks to build genuine working-class unity against our real enemies: the capitalist class and their political representatives.

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“No Kings” Protests in the USA – “over 10,000 people protesting in Pittsburgh, and millions of people throughout the country: a massive outpouring of anger and rage and ridicule of Trump’s pretensions of being popular and powerful” – Interview with Paul Le Blanc

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Overview of “No Kings” Protests

This is a conversation between John Meehan and Paul LeBlanc in Dublin on Friday, the 20th of June, 2025.

Paul Le Blanc has for many years been a teacher and activist in Pittsburgh. His writings include “Lenin and the Revolutionary Party” [1990; new ed. 2015]

Link : Lenin and the Revolutionary Party

and

“A Short History of the US Working Class”. [1999; new ed. 2016]

Link : A Short History of the US Working Class

Paul Le Blanc, Wikipedia

Last weekend (Saturday June 14 2025) a large number of “No Kings” protests occurred in many parts of the United States. One participant was Paul LeBlanc. Would you like to give us an overview of the No Kings protests, describe the one you attended?

Paul Le Blanc: Sure I can speak especially about my own experience in Pittsburgh and in other cities and towns across the country.

The “No Kings” demonstrations were part of a wave of demonstrations that have developed over the past few months. The first big one was the April 5 demonstration, under the slogan of “Hands Off.” Hands Off the health care system, education system, various other things that are being dismantled or attacked by the Trump regime. In Pittsburgh, there was a massive demonstration. It was the largest that I had seen in the city up to that time, 8000 people minimum.

This was followed by May Day demonstrations. And Pittsburgh is not and hasn’t for decades been a centre of May Day demonstrations. But this was massive, the biggest May Day demonstration that I’ve seen. It wasn’t quite as big as April 5, but there were several thousand people participating. Again, it was focused especially on social issues and economic issues in the United States.  There was also some reference to foreign policy stuff — Palestine, Ukraine, so forth. 

The biggest demonstration of all was the most recent, the “No Kings” demonstration.  There were over 10,000 people protesting in Pittsburgh, and millions of people throughout the country: a massive outpouring of anger and rage and ridicule of Trump’s pretensions of being popular and powerful and so forth. People said “No Kings,” with many accusing him of being a fascist, a totalitarian, a dictator. Certainly, he’s authoritarian. There was general agreement on a defence of the principles of the Declaration of Independence and even of the US Constitution, which he’s walking all over.

So, this was massive, and pro Trump elements have not come close to mobilising anything on this scale. There’s a lot of anti-Trump sentiment. Trump claims that he has an overwhelming mandate from the American people, and that’s a lie. He tells all kinds of lies, makes all kinds of distorted claims. He did not get a majority, certainly not a landslide majority. He was able to rack up more votes than his competitors. But his mandate is razor thin, and I think the number of people who support him is dropping. I believe that he is eroding his own base of support with policies that are hurting all of us. It’s an interesting development, for sure.

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New “Foreceful” Anti-Immigrant Policy Issued by Sinn Féin Migration Spokesperson Matt Carthy TD

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One person who read this document wrote “shocking”.

Another observed “Galloway, Wagenknecht and now Sinn Féin. And at least one “Leftie” in Ireland moaning about the famous single unvetted male”.

The good news is that sincere anti-racist voters in Britain, Germany, and Ireland are realising that “Red-Brown” politics stink. In the Dublin Central  constituency, where one of the 4 Dáil Deputies is SF leader Mary-Lou McDonald TD, the party’s 1st preference vote went down 12.3 per cent. SF got a warning that it was losing support to its left and right.

Many SF members are anti-racists. They must speak out now, because evidence suggests that the party leadership is doubling down to promote a new suite of racist policies.


Link :


Sinn Féin to challenge asylum centres in poor areas

See also :


Facebook link; Irish republicans opposed to SF anti-immigrant policy

The party is directing its members to take a more forceful approach to blocking accommodation for asylum seekers and refugees in deprived areas.

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How well did the left go in the June 9 European election? – by Dick Nichols, Green Left (Australia)

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A recommended article :

Source ;
How well did the left go in the June 9 European Election?

How well did the left go in the June 9 European election?

Dick Nichols

graph of election results

Provisional results of the 2024 European Elections, as at June 19. Source: results.elections.europa.eu

At first glance it looks as if the parties to the left of the social democracy held their ground against the surge of the far right and mainstream right that marked the June 9 European Union (EU) parliamentary elections (see here for results in detail).

Although the smallest of the European parliament’s seven groups, The Left managed to maintain its EU-wide vote at 5.4% and increase its seat tally from 37 to 39 in the 720-seat assembly.

In addition, left green Members of the European Parliaments (MEPs) and those representing stateless nations (part of the Greens group as the European Free Alliance) at least maintained their numbers in the chamber.

See also

Finland: Mass workers’ strike wave continues against gov’t attacks on workers, unions, welfare

Interview: Fascism and resistance in France today

Ukrainian unionists: Oligarchs, not Europe’s poor, should pay for weapons and aid to Ukraine

Workers’ Party of Belgium gains ground in European, national elections

Yet the Greens group as a whole shrank from 71 seats to 53 while that of the liberals (known as Renew) fell from 102 to 79. This drop reflected that the environmental issues that in part drove the big advance of these parties in the 2019 election were less important for many voters this time.

The campaign was dominated by insecurity about the future, the cost of living (particularly housing), the fear of war, the “immigration threat” and intolerance of difference.

In this grim atmosphere the biggest growth went to the mainstream right European People’s Party and the two far-right groups (Identity and Democracy and Conservatives and Reformists): taken together the right and far right won an extra 30 seats, bring it to 324.

Because it would take only 37 ungrouped MEPs to join them to from a reactionary majority, the June 9 result poses with new urgency two old questions about politics in the European parliament. How much, if at all, does the real balance of political forces in the chamber differ from that among its formal groupings? And how much does membership of a group represent disciplined commitment to its positions?

Left divisions over Ukraine

The questions are sharply relevant in the case of the Left group, where differences over what stance to take towards the Russian invasion of Ukraine were already pointing towards a split before June 9.

On May 31, Li Andersson, chairperson of the Finnish Left Alliance told the Helsinki Times that these differences could not be tolerated in the group in the new legislature. Referring to Clare Daly and Mick Wallace, Irish left independent opponents of military aid to Ukraine, Andersson said: “The Nordic Green Left as a whole [covering Finland, Sweden, Denmark, Norway, Iceland, Greenland and the Faroe Islands] is of the opinion that if they manage to win re-election, they can’t join our group.”

For Andersson, the same went for the new Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance: For Reason and Justice (BSW), a split in Germany from leading Left group member Die Linke (The Left). BSW opposes military aid to Ukraine and supports resuming the gas trade with Russia, in common with most of Europe’s far-right parties.

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